Two summits later, Trump still faces difficult obstacles in the quest for peace in Ukraine

Last Friday, Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin met in Alaska for a summit that was at the top of the pump and the ceremonial and diplomatic breakthroughs in the push of ending the Russian-Ukraine war.

On Monday, six European leaders rushed to Washington DC to meet Trump and assess the consequences of this Putin meeting. While the rally at the White House was historic, it was also heavy on rhetoric and light on tangible progress.

With little to show two peaks, the pressure intensifies to a president who made the end of the foreign wars a key campaign promise. But there have been two potentially important developments.

In the Confab at the White House on Monday, Trump seemed open to the provision of American security guarantees for Ukraine if an agreement is concluded. This is considered by Ukrainians and their European allies, as an essential component to achieve lasting peace.

Trump on Tuesday morning, Trump has covered a little, saying that an American commitment could lead to “air support” rather than American soldiers in Ukraine and that Europe should assume most of the burden.

He also declared that “arrangements” were taken for a bilateral summit between Putin and Zelensky – although the location and details remain very in the air – after which he would participate directly in a three -men meeting.

European leaders also want a ceasefire in place before any bilateral meeting, which Trump said it was unlikely.

However, all stages also small to direct negotiations at the level of leaders between Zelensky and Putin are an accomplishment.

The simple fact that yesterday’s meetings between Trump and Zelensky, and the broader rally of European leaders, were carried out in a friendly and cooperative manner is itself notable given the acrimonious visit to the White House of Zelensky in February and the sometimes controversial relations that Trump had with his European counterparts.

Trump seemed to appreciate being the graceful host both in Alaska and in the White House, and his comments suggest that he considers war in Ukraine as a key to cement his heritage.

“If I can arrive in paradise, it will be one of the reasons,” he said in a television interview on Tuesday.

But the path to paradise is narrow, as the proverb says, and there are still many obstacles at the end of the war in Ukraine, the least of which is that it is still not clear that Putin wants war when he makes progress on the battlefield.

The Russian chief may think that his position is only reinforced by time and that the best strategy consists in slowing down negotiations while avoiding new American sanctions which could still harm his economy.

Trump put these sanctions, which probably also seemed as recently as two weeks ago, on Hold indefinite, and he legitimately seems to believe that Putin wants to conclude an agreement.

In private comments to French President Emmanuel Macron who were taken up by a live microphone, Trump said so much.

“I think he wants to agree for me, do you understand that?” Said Trump. “As crazy as it may seem.”

This may seem crazy since Putin has continued her incessant attacks against Ukraine for almost four years. It may also seem naive. But the American president puts considerable confidence in the supposed good intentions of Putin.

Even if Putin turns out to be a reliable negotiation partner – a large if – Trump himself can be a mercurial ally. While the White House meetings went well, he has already made hair pin turns in American foreign policy and he could do it again. In the past eight months, his opinions on Zelensky have treated themselves between support.

A peace that depends on American insurance may not be a firm base on which to build. The sometimes improper efforts of European leaders to Summate Trump with praise on Monday suggested their concerns concerning its sometimes tumultuous nature.

“I think that in the past two weeks, we have probably had more progress at the end of this war than we have done in the past three and a half years,” said Finnish president Alexander Stubb.

The journey organized by Europeans has hastily organized Washington DC was designed for Putin sandwich to limit its ability to influence Trump’s thought.

In addition to the key actors, there is another voice that took into account the Trump’s decision -making process – its political base which takes his “America first” and non -interventionist.

Any security insurance, any commitment to military resources or any new foreign obligation that Trump could consider concluding a peace agreement can be considered by his supporters skeptically.

They were uncomfortable during the United States on Iran in June, and it was only a night of action. More permanent American obligations towards Ukraine at a time when a large nation segment would prefer to concentrate inward could put Trump in a difficult position – which he might prefer to avoid entirely.

Whatever the progress made, there is always a fundamental reality which undergoes an American involvement in the peace process in the days to come. Trump may want to be considered by the world – and history – as a peacemaker. But compared to Europe, Russia or certainly in Ukraine, it has the least at stake during these negotiations.

In the end, Trump could just leave the table. The ability to move away is also a kind of power.

Follow the twists and turns of Trump’s second term with Trump’s newsletter, the correspondent of North Correspondent Anthony Zurcher. Readers of the United Kingdom can register here. Those outside the United Kingdom can register here.